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Idaho v. United States — Amicus Brief

Abortion
Human Rights Treaties
Reproductive Rights
United States
US Abortion Laws
Summary of Argument Idaho’s near-total abortion ban restricts access to necessary emergency reproductive healthcare, exacerbating preventable maternal mortality and morbidity and otherwise negatively impacting people capable of pregnancy in Idaho. The law’s narrow exception for life-saving care will not prevent or mitigate these harms in practice, and will leave patients in Idaho without access to emergency reproductive healthcare. The United States has ratified several human rights treaties—including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), and the Convention Against Torture (CAT)—which require it to guarantee access to safe and legal abortion services, in particular in emergencies or acute medical crises governed by the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA). In accordance with the United States’ obligations under these treaties, the federal government—and therefore each state—is required to respect, protect and fulfil individuals’ international human rights to life; health; privacy; non-discrimination; and to be free from torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. These rights are directly jeopardized by Idaho’s draconian abortion law.
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Joint Statement in Support of Progress toward a Crimes Against Humanity Treaty

Crimes Against Humanity
International Criminal Law
Sexual Violence
United Nations
The undersigned organizations and individuals — with representation from multiple geographic regions — express our support for a global convention on crimes against humanity, and urge states to utilize the 2024 April Resumed Session of the UN’s Sixth Committee to express strong support for a procedure to be adopted at the 79th Session of the UN General Assembly to move the Draft Articles on Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Humanity forward to negotiations for a treaty. Throughout history, millions of people have been subjected to murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, persecution, and other atrocities that have shocked the conscience of humanity. Crimes against humanity continue unabated across the globe and the Draft Articles provide a timely and urgent opportunity for states to help end impunity. Although crimes against humanity are among the most serious crimes in international law, there has yet to be a treaty regulating their prevention and punishment. A treaty on crimes against humanity would close a crucial gap in the current international framework on mass atrocities as well as clarifying states’ duties to prevent such crimes and means to cooperate with each other. A crimes against humanity treaty can also rightfully contribute to global affirmation of the gravity of these crimes. In 2013, the UN’s International Law Commission approved crimes against humanity to be included in its programme of work. The Commission, in 2019, recommended the elaboration of a convention by the UN General Assembly or by an international conference.  In 2022, the UN’s Sixth Committee adopted resolution 77/249 to take forward steps for a treaty on crimes against humanity, including two interactive sessions in 2023 and 2024 on the Draft Articles, and a plan to take a decision on the ILC’s recommendation that a treaty go forward in the 79th session of the General Assembly. We believe the International Law Commission’s Draft Articles represent a strong starting point to open negotiations on a treaty. There is broad agreement that the Draft Articles contain a number of positive elements, and differences in perspectives on the existing Draft Articles should not be used to perpetuate inaction. Accordingly, we urge states to follow the Commission’s recommendation that a treaty on crimes against humanity should be negotiated, either by the General Assembly itself or in a Diplomatic Conference convened for that purpose. Our organizations also urge states at the April resumed session to identify important areas for further strengthening the Draft Articles. A variety of civil society groups have developed proposals toward this end. These include strengthening the proposed treaty by a variety of means. We urge states at the April resumed session also to express overall support for an approach to the development of a crimes against humanity treaty that is gender-competent, survivor-centric, and deploys an intersectional lens. This includes ensuring the inclusion of a non-discrimination provision to apply and interpret the treaty’s provisions consistent with international human rights law. We believe it is equally essential that the treaty-making process itself is inclusive. States should facilitate meaningful, inclusive, and safe public and civil society participation from across the region, in all stages of the treaty-development process, including by people of all gender identities, as well as victims, survivors, and affected communities, and ensure that their voices are adequately represented in the final provisions of the treaty. Signatory Organizations: Abogados Sin Fronteras Canadá Action des Chretiens pour l’Abolition de la Torture au Burundi Action for Change Action Network for Gender Equity & Law Adovicuganda International Africa Center for International Law and Accountability (Ghana) Africa Legal Aid African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies African Platform for Human Rights and Governance AfricanDefenders Al Mezan Center for Human Rights (Palestine) Alerte Congolaise pour l’environnement et les droits de l’homme All Survivors Group ALTSEAN – Burma Amnesty International Anti-Domestic Violence Center (Uganda) Aotearoa Lawyers for Peace (New Zealand) ASD-INKING (Uganda) Ashta Development Organization Asia Justice Coalition Asociación Española para el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos l’Association des victimes, parents et Amis du 28 septembre 2009 (Guinea) Association of World Citizens (France) Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes (DRC) Athena Tech & Atrocities Advisory Australian Centre for International Justice Avaaz Basel Peace Office (Switzerland) Burma Human Rights Network Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Canadian Centre for Victims of Torture Center for Accountability and Rule of Law – Sierra Leone Center Against Human Trafficking and Sexual Violence in Conflict Center for Human Rights Advocacy The Center for International and Comparative Law at the University of Baltimore School of Law Center for Justice and Accountability Center for Peace Building and Democracy in Liberia Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Centre international de Droit Comparé de l’Environnement (France) Centre Libanais des Droits Humains Centre de Recherche sur l’environnement, la démocratie et les droits de l’homme (DRC) El Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (Argentina) Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional Centro Regional de Derechos Humanos y Justicia de Género – Corporación Humanas CIDA Organisation Citizens for Global Solutions Civil Education is the Solution for Poverty and Environmental Management (Tanzania) Civitas Maximas The Coalition Burundaise des Défenseurs des Droits de l’Homme Coalition contre l’impunite (Tchad) Coalition des Volontaires pour la Paix et le Développement (DRC) La Coalition Ivoirienne pour la Cour Pénale International Coalitions de l’Afrique Francophone pour la Cour Penale Internationale Le Comité National pour la Prévention et la Répression du Génocide des crimes de guerres crimes contre l’humanité et de toute forme de Discrimination de la République Démocratique du Congo Committee For Justice (Egypt) Community Empowerment for Progress Organization Corruption Brakes Crusade (Uganda) Crimes Against Humanity Initiative CSO Advocacy Platform of Liberia Darfur Bar Association Darfur Women’s Action Group DefendDefenders (Uganda) DIGNITY – Danish Institute Against Torture Dr. Denis Mukwege Foundation (The Hague) The Duty Legacy EnGendeRights (Philippines) Enssaf Environnemental Frontline (DRC) European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights Fantanka (The Gambia) Femena Fondation Bill Clinton pour la Paix (DRC) Fortify Rights Forum des organisations nationales humanitaires et de développement (DRC) Foundation for Human Rights and Democracy (Liberia) Foundation for Human Rights Initiative – Uganda FrameOut Free Yezidi Foundation Fundación para el Debido Proceso Geitasamo Paralegal Organization Gender Action for Peace and Security Gender Centre for Empowering Development Genocide Alert (Germany) Global Call to Action Against Poverty Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect Global Compliance Research Project Global Justice and Research Project (Liberia) Global Justice Center Global Rights Compliance Global Security Institute Global Survivor’s Fund (Switzerland) Grace Agenda (Kenya) Groupe d’associations de défense des droits de l’homme et de la Paix (DRC) HakiMadini Human Rescue DRC Human Rights and Development in Africa Human Rights Concern – Eritrea Human Rights Defenders Network – Sierra Leone Human Rights Watch IDHEAS Litigio Estratégico en Derechos Humanos Initiative for Good Governance and Transparency in Tanzania Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa Integrity Initiatives International Interfaith Communities United for Justice and Peace International Action Network for Gender Equity & Law International Association of People’s Lawyers International Center for the Study, Prevention, and Treatment of MultiGenerational Legacies of Trauma International Commission of Jurists International Commission of Jurists, Norway International Federation for Human Rights International Federation of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture The International Network on Disability, Peace and Security International Service for Human Rights International Tribunal of Conscience of Peoples in Movement Italian Federation for Human Rights Iteka Initiative Jumuiya ya Maendeleo ya Elimu ya Wototo Pemba Justicia Asbl (DRC) Keen and Care Initiative (Nigeria) Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy Legal Action Worldwide Legal Resources Centre (South Africa) Liberty Sparks Libyan Human Rights Clinic Ligue Burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka Ligue des Droits de la personne dans la région des Grands-Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, and DRC) L’Organisation Guinéenne de Défense des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns Minnesota Peace Project Missing Persons Families Group (Türkiye and Syria) Mizan Organization for Legal Studies on Human Rights Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network Musawa My World México National Forum for Human Rights (Yemen) National Lawyers Guild – San Francisco Bay Chapter National Lawyers Guild Task Force on the Americas Netwomening Association (Spain) Nigeria Human Rights Defenders Network Norwegian Helsinki Committee La Nouvelle Société Civile Congolaise Operation Broken Silence Pan African Lawyers Union Parliamentarians for Global Action Partnership for Justice (Nigeria) Pemba Child Rights Environment and Malaria Control Organization People for Successful Corean Unification (South Korea and US) Physicians for Human Rights Platform for Social Justice (Uganda) Protection Approaches Redress Regional Advocacy for Women’s Sustainable Advancement (MENA) Réseau des Défenseurs des Droits Humains en Afrique Centrale Reseau Equitas Cote d’Ivoire Réseau Equitas (DRC) Rights and Rice Foundation (Liberia) SACCORD (Zambia) Safe Island for Women and Children (Tanzania) SAHRiNGON Tanzania Chapter Save the Mother and Children of Central Tanzania Sentinel Project (Canada) Servicio Paz y Justicia Paragua Somalian Human Rights Association SOS – TB  Solo Sandeng Foundation (The Gambia) South Sudan Human Rights Defenders Network South Sudan Youth Peace and Development Organization Southern African Litigation Centre Strategic Advocacy for Human Rights (Global) Strategic Litigation Project (US) Synergie des femmes pour les victimes des violences sexuelles (DRC) Synergie Ukingo Wet (DRC) Syria Justice and Accountability Centre Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression The Syrian Legal Development Programme Tanzania Centre For Economic and Social Rights Tanzania GCAP Coalition Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition Tigrians Canadian Immigration Association Transitional Justice Working Group (South Korea) TRIAL International Union des Amis Socio Culturels d’Action en Developpement United Nations Association of Sweden Visionary Ethics Foundation (Costa Rica) The West African Transitional Justice Centre Uganda Peace Foundation UN Association of South Sudan United States International Council on Disabilities University of Chicago Law School Global Human Rights Clinic La Voix des Sans Voix pour les Droits de l’homme (DRC) Volunteer for Youth in Health and Development   War Crimes Research Office, American University Wayamo Foundation (Germany) West African Human Rights Defenders Network We are NOT Weapons of War Women for Permanent Peace and Justice Women’s Association for Women and Victims’ Empowerment (The Gambia) Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, U.S. Section World Federalist Movement – Institute for Global Policy (Czech Republic) World Future Council – Institute for Global Policy (International) Women’s League of Burma Women’s Peace Network World Organisation against Torture World Without Genocide Yazda Yelef Initiative (The Gambia) Individuals: Hirad Abtahi, Legal Advisor of the Presidency to the International Criminal Court Grace Acan, SEMA/Women’s Advocacy Network Professor William Aceves, California Western School of Law Zubaida Akbar, Woman Human Rights Defender Maya Alrahabi, Executive Director, Musawa Riad Alakar Alfadil Alnor, Human Rights Activist Professor Dr. Kai Ambos, Georg August Universität Göttingen Professor Fionnuala Ní Aoláin KC (Hons), The Queen’s University of Belfast/Minnesota Law School Sareta Ash, Senior Gender Expert Professor Sahar Aziz, Rutgers University Law School Professor Tae-Ung Baik, University of Hawaii at Manoa Professor Karima Bennoune, University of Michigan Law School John Berger, Senior Fellow, Center on National Security, Fordham University Jutta F. Bertram-Nothnagel, Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy, Vice President Professor Michael Bohlander, Durham University Reed Brody, Former Director of UN Missions – El Salvador and DRC Todd Buchwald, Member, United Nations Committee Against Torture Professor David Donat Cattin, New York University Dr. Lecturer Giovanni Chiarini, University of Huddersfield Professor Roger S. Clark, Rutgers Law School Ambassador Hans Corell Mazen Darwish, Syrian lawyer and human rights defender Carlos Villán Durán, Asociación Española para el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos Professor Terje Einarsen, University of Bergen Dr. Mark Ellis, International Bar Association, Executive Director Professor Hon. Gareth Evans, Australian National University Professor Aaron Fellmeth, ABILA International Human Rights Committee, Co-Chair Daoud Daoud, CEO, SALAM Professor Stephanie Farrior Bhavani Fonseka, Centre for Policy Alternatives Professor Sévane Garibian, Université de Genève Professor Hannah R. Garry, UCLA Law Promise Institute for Human Rights Justice Richard Goldstone Professor Gregory S. Gordon, The Chinese University of Hong Kong Michael S. Greco, Former President of American Bar Association Dr. Rosemary Grey, University of Sydney Professor Jonathan Hafetz, Seton Hall Law School Christopher “Kip” Hale, Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group for Ukraine, Georgetown Law’s International Criminal Justice Initiative Professor Steven Heydemann, Smith College Professor Yasushi Higashizawa, Meijigakuin University Christina Hioureas, Partner, Foley Hoag LLP Shirin Ibadi, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Junemarie Justus, Founder and CEO, Acorn Project Martina M. Kabisama Professor Patrick J. Keenan, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Professor Michael J. Kelly, Creighton University Dr. Professor Mark Kersten, University of the Fraser Valley Professor Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law Dr. Professor Mark Klamberg, Stockholm University Dr. Professor Claus Kreß, University of Cologne Judge O-Gon Kwon, former Judge of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia Professor Stephen Legomsky, Washington University School of Law Professor David Luban, Georgetown University Law Center Tarcisco Dal Maso Dr. Anja Matwijkiw, Indiana University Northwest Professor Juan Mendez, American University Professor Bonita Meyersfeld, Wits School of Law Professor Saira Mohamed, UC Berkley School of Law Sadiq Mohammed Muhammad Sharif Muhammad, Founder and President, Hitma Development Organization Professor (ret.) Abdul Hameed Nayyar, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad Stella Ndirangu, International Criminal Law Expert Nancy J. Newman, International Action for Gender Equity & Law, Founder Tschika McBean Okosi, US & Guyana Professor Valerie Oosterveld, University of Western Ontario Faculty of Law Professor Anjli Parrin, University of Chicago Law School, Global Human Rights Clinic Dr. Joseph Powderly, Leiden University Tania Principe, Nobel Women’s Initiative Akila Radhakrishnan, Strategic Legal Adviser, Gender Justice, Atlantic Council and President, Global Justice Center (2018–2023) Stephen Rapp, Former US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice (2009–2015) Professor Darryl Robinson, Queen’s University Faculty of Law Professor Naomi Roht-Arriaza, University of California Law, San Francisco Professor Gabor Rona, Cardozo Law School Erin Farrell Rosenberg, University of Cincinnati College of Law Indira Rosenthal, Gender expert Professor Brad Roth, Waye State University Kenneth Roth, Former Executive Director of Human Rights Watch Professor Susana SáCouto, American University Washington College of Law Professor Leila Nadya Sadat, Washington University School of Law Professor Phillipe Sands, University College London Professor William Schabas, David J. Scheffer, former U.S. Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues (1997–2001) Judge (ret). Wolfgang Schomburg Fred Sekindi Professor Patricia Viseur Sellers, University of Oxford Joseph Severe, UNASCAD – Haiti Professor Milena Sterio, Cleveland State University College of Law Léa-Rose Stoian, Legal Advisor in Criminal Justice and Criminology Jeanne Sulzer, Impact Litigation Sal Taal, Former President, Gambian Bar Association Ellen Thomas, Proposition One Campaign for a Nuclear-Free Future, Director Professor Jennifer Trahan, New York University Dr. Victor Tsilonis, Chairman, Intellectum Scientific Society Professor Catherine Van De Heyning, University of Antwerp Judge Christine Van De Wyngaert, Kosovo Specialist Chambers Peter Weiss Jody Williams, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate
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Submission to UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar — Gendered Impacts of the Coup

Asia
Myanmar
Sexual Violence
United Nations
The following responds specifically to question 1 regarding discrimination on the basis of gender and sexuality through laws, policies, directives, and requirements that target the rights of women and people with diverse gender identities, including members of Myanmar’s LGBTQ community. Gender-discriminatory laws and policies, and impunity for sexual and gender-based crimes, have long been the norm in Myanmar. Since independence in 1948, successive military regimes have perpetuated systemic discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity. The 2021 military coup greatly exacerbated gender-based discrimination and violence against women and people with diverse gender identities, and put an immediate end to any attempts to reform or eliminate these structural barriers to equality. The 2008 Constitution At the heart of Myanmar’s discriminatory laws and policies is the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. The same document that laid the groundwork for the February 2021 coup through its broad emergency powers provision has also enabled a culture of complete impunity for military-perpetrated crimes, including sexual and gender-based violence. Though the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) voted shortly after the coup to abolish the 2008 Constitution, it remains the law of the land in the parts of the country under junta control, and the junta regularly cites the Constitution’s authority. Even before the coup, the military faced no civilian oversight or accountability. The Constitution grants the military “the right to independently administer and adjudicate all affairs of the armed forces,” leaving it to hold itself accountable. This has created a culture of complete impunity for serious human rights violations, with a very small number of exceptions aimed at appeasing the international community. Furthermore, the Constitution grants amnesty for any crimes committed by the military under current or previous administrations, stating that no “proceeding” can be initiated against a member of the military “in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties.” The Constitution also exempts the Commander-in-Chief from all legal constraints, stating that his decision in the adjudication of military justice “is final and conclusive.” This provision has allowed the Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, to issue pardons to members of the military without oversight.
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Open letter on EU and several European states’ concerning decision to suspend and review of funding to Palestinian and Israeli NGOs

Europe
European Union
Middle East
We the undersigned are writing to you to raise concern regarding the decision by several European governments to suspend or review their funding to several Palestinian and Israeli civil society organizations. We are deeply concerned by these developments and call on your government to reverse any decision to halt such crucial funding. A reduction in funds to these groups and organizations erodes human rights protections across Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and call into question your ability to credibly promote and protect universal human rights values across the Middle East and North Africa. Several European states, namely Austria, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland, as well as the European Commission have taken measures to suspend or review their funding to Palestinian and Israeli civil society organizations due to unfounded allegations of diversion of funding to terrorist organizations. These measures have intensified following the attacks by Hamas and other armed groups on 7 October 2023, where members of Hamas and other armed groups committed summary killings, hostage-taking of civilians, and launching indiscriminate rocket attacks into Israel.
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Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention Must Center Victims and Survivors

Crimes Against Humanity
International Criminal Law
Sexual Violence
United Nations
Overview: States should adopt a survivor-centric approach to the Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention States must take a survivor-centric approach throughout when considering the Draft Articles on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Humanity (the “Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention”). This is an essential approach in relation to all victims and survivors of crimes against humanity, particularly those who may face ongoing marginalization or risks, such as survivors of sexual violence and other gendered harms. A survivor-centric approach recognizes that victims and survivors of crimes against humanity will have suffered immense harm and trauma. It aims to put the rights and agency of each victim and survivor at the forefront of all actions and ensures that they are treated with dignity and respect and supported to make informed decisions with regards to accessing protection, support, justice, and remedy based on their own needs and priorities. Such an approach also requires states to keep at the forefront of their minds how the text of the treaty will actually affect victims and survivors, including consideration of how victims and survivors will be able to meaningfully and effectively access their rights through the treaty’s provisions and the institutions implementing them. It emphasizes that seeking justice is a right, not just a privilege, for victims and survivors. A survivor-centric approach thus requires states to ensure that victims’ and survivors’ rights are robustly protected and set out throughout the Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention. International criminal law and international human rights law provide that victims and survivors have rights to: (i) effective protection; (ii) effective support; (iii) notice of their rights; (iv) timely notice of developments during proceedings, including those related to justice and remedy; (v) participate in criminal and other relevant legal proceedings; (vi) have legal representation during criminal and other relevant legal proceedings; (vii) obtain full and effective reparation; and (viii) have reparation awards enforced. Such an approach also requires that states ensure that all provisions related to protection, assistance, remedy, and reparations for victims and survivors respect and strengthen their autonomy and are provided irrespective of survivors’ ability or willingness to cooperate in legal proceedings against the alleged perpetrator. In line with the human rights law principle that requires all people to be involved in decision-making that affects them, a survivor-centric approach also requires states to meaningfully engage victims and survivors in treaty development, adoption, implementation and monitoring processes, participating in decisions that impact them, and ensuring that victims’ and survivors’ voices are adequately represented in the final provisions of the treaty. States must understand victims and survivors’ priorities at each stage of the process. For example, in other forums, victims and survivors have identified justice and accountability as a key priority, including by strengthening the ability of international and domestic justice systems to deliver justice for gender-based crimes. As victims and survivors are not a homogeneous group, when taking a survivor-centric approach, states must give particular consideration to ensuring the substantive equality of victims and survivors who are subjected to marginalization and discrimination, including intersectional discrimination. This brief first sets out the importance and potential avenues of state action to ensure robust, meaningful, and effective participation of victims and survivors in discussions and decision-making in relation to the Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention (Section I). It then highlights specific ways in which the provisions of the Draft Crimes Against Humanity Convention should be strengthened to reflect international human rights law and standards in line with a survivor-centric approach, namely by: adopting a broad and unambiguous definition of ‘victim’ in the treaty that ensures all individuals harmed by crimes against humanity are included (Section II); and expanding the treaty’s reparations provisions (in present Draft Article 12(3)) to ensure all relevant victims and survivors have access to prompt, full, and effective reparations (Section III). It concludes with a non-exhaustive list of additional examples for consideration that states should include in discussions on the recognition and rights of victims and survivors (Section IV).
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In Geneva, United States Dodges Key Questions on its Abortion Rights Record

Abortion
Helms Amendment
Human Rights Treaties
Reproductive Rights
United States
US Abortion Laws
On October 17-18 in Geneva, the United States government faced questions from civil society and the Human Rights Committee on the country’s compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In addition to questions on immigrants’ rights, racial discrimination, and more, US officials were pressed repeatedly on the state of abortion access in the wake of the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.
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#CeasefireNow: Open Call for an Immediate Ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and Israel to Prevent a Humanitarian Catastrophe and Further Loss of Innocent Lives

International Humanitarian Law
Middle East
United Nations
We have witnessed unfathomable death and destruction in the Gaza Strip and Israel. Thousands of people have been killed, injured, displaced, and nearly two hundred remain held hostage, including children and elderly. In Gaza, the UN has said that water, food, fuel, medical supplies, and even body bags, are running out due to the siege. The UN warned that people – particularly young children – will soon start dying of severe dehydration. Neighbourhoods have been destroyed and turned into complete rubble. Palestinians in search of safety have nowhere to go. Many of those who relocated from northern Gaza to the south after the relocation order by the Israeli army were reportedly bombed as they attempted to flee or once they arrived in southern Gaza.   The events of the last week have led us to the precipice of a humanitarian catastrophe and the world can no longer wait to act. It is our collective responsibility. On Sunday, October 15th, the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator to the Occupied Palestinian Territory appealed to all parties to the conflict, and to Member States with influence, to urgently agree to a humanitarian ceasefire. Today, we put our voices together and call on all Heads of State, the UN Security Council, and actors on the ground, to prioritize the preservation of human life above all else. During this ceasefire, we call on all parties to unconditionally: Facilitate the delivery of lifesaving assistance, including food, medical supplies, fuel, and the resumption of electricity and internet to Gaza, in addition to safe passage of humanitarian and medical staff   Free all civilian hostages, especially children and elderly Allow humanitarian convoys to reach UN facilities, schools, hospitals, and health facilities in northern Gaza and commit to protecting them along with the civilians and staff inside them at all times Rescind orders by the Government of Israel for civilians to depart northern Gaza Allow patients in critical condition to be medically evacuated for urgent care The UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General and all world leaders with influence must take immediate action to ensure a ceasefire comes into effect. It remains our only option to avert further loss of civilian life and humanitarian catastrophe. Anything less will forever be a stain on our collective conscience. Civilians are not bargaining chips. Families need a chance to bury and mourn their dead. The cycle of violence against innocent civilians needs to stop.
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How the Dobbs Ruling Put the United States in Violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Abortion
Human Rights Council
Human Rights Treaties
Reproductive Rights
United States
US Abortion Laws
The June 2022 Supreme Court decision Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization eliminated federal constitutional protection for access to abortion in the United States. Following Dobbs, more than a dozen states fully banned abortion, and many others passed or proposed increased restrictions. On October 17-18, 2023, the Human Rights Committee will review US compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the impact of Dobbs on its human rights obligations.
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Blue Smoke Statement of Principles for UN Appointments

United Nations
Dear Secretary-General, In 2022 the Blue Smoke working group was formed by UNA-UK, Plataforma CIPÓ and Strategy for Humanity to shine a light on elections and appointments to senior positions within the United Nations. Working with civil society partners we have established the attached statement of principles which we believe should guide senior appointments at the United Nations and how states engage with appointment processes. We have the pleasure of sharing this statement with you, alongside the following list of civil society organizations that have endorsed them. Collectively we urge you to put them into practice, and in doing so, put inclusivity, transparency and fairness at the heart of UN appointment processes. We also urge you to champion these principles throughout the wider UN system.
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